J. Dewayne Thomas, Who Sat in Judgment of Hinds County for Two Decades, Dies at Home in Byram
The chancellor who stopped House Bill 1020 for eleven days, kept the polls open when Hinds County ran out of ballots, and once lost a Senate seat to the same kind of ballot mess, died Tuesday night. He was on the bench for nearly twenty years.
J. Dewayne Thomas, the Hinds County chancellor whose courtroom became, more than once, the place where the capital city's fights over who gets to govern it were first heard, died Tuesday evening at his home in Byram. He was found around 8 p.m., and the Hinds County Board of Supervisors, which announced his death Wednesday, said it is believed to have been from natural causes. He had served on the Fifth Chancery District bench since January 2007, nearly twenty years.
Most of that service left no trace in a newspaper, which is the nature of the job. Chancery court is where a county goes when life comes apart quietly: divorces and custody, wills and estates, guardianships for the old and the incapacitated, disputes over land and deeds. For two decades, thousands of Hinds County families met Dewayne Thomas on the worst days of their lives and left with a decision. That is the work that filled his docket every week, and it is the work a chancellor is actually judged by, even if it is never the work that gets written about.
Board President Robert Graham, the District 1 supervisor, said in a statement that Thomas was a hardworking, dedicated public servant who cared deeply about Hinds County and its people. His sudden passing, Graham said, is a tremendous loss, and his commitment to this community will not be forgotten. The board extended its condolences to his family and friends.
Thomas was a Hinds County lawyer before he was a Hinds County judge, and a Hinds County politician before that. He earned a business degree from the University of Mississippi in 1977 and his law degree from Mississippi College in 1980, and he practiced for 26 years before he ever put on a robe. Voters sent him to the Mississippi House of Representatives in 1984, when he was in his twenties, and he served there until 1992. From 1994 he was an assistant county attorney for Hinds County, the lawyer who handles the county's own business in court. He lived in Byram, in the county's southern reach, for the whole of his public life.
The most revealing chapter of that life came in 2003, and it is the one the obituaries will probably skip. That November, Thomas, a Democrat, ran for the state Senate in District 29 against Richard White, who had held the seat since 1989. Thomas won. The Hinds County Election Commission certified him the victor on November 25. Then White filed a contest, and the count turned up several hundred paper ballots that poll workers had never initialed, a defect that made it impossible to say whether they were legitimate. A Senate committee found that the will of the voters could not be determined. The full Senate agreed, 35 to 13, refused to seat him, and ordered a new election for February 10, 2004. White won the re-vote. Dewayne Thomas had won a Senate seat and lost it to Hinds County's inability to count its own ballots.
Three years later, the same voters made him a judge. And twenty years after that, on the night of November 7, 2023, Hinds County ran out of ballots again. At least nine precincts reported shortages during a statewide election; voters were turned away or left standing. The Mississippi Democratic Party rushed an emergency petition to chancery court asking that the polls be kept open. The chancellor on duty was Dewayne Thomas. He granted it shortly after it was filed, ordering every Hinds County precinct to stay open until 8 p.m. The man who had been denied an office by a broken count spent an evening making sure a broken count did not deny anyone else a vote. He never, as far as the public record shows, said a word about the symmetry.
His most consequential rulings came earlier that same year, in the fight over House Bill 1020. The law, signed by Governor Tate Reeves in April 2023, created a separate court and police force inside Jackson and let state officials appoint judges over the majority-Black city rather than have residents elect them. Three Jackson women, Ann Saunders, Sabreen Sharrief, and Dorothy Triplett, represented by the ACLU and the MacArthur Justice Center, sued in Thomas's court. On May 4, less than two weeks after the governor's signature, Thomas issued a temporary restraining order and stopped the law cold.
His written order was a study in judicial restraint. This court makes no findings that plaintiffs are entitled to relief, he wrote. Instead, this court specifically finds that it is unable to determine the likelihood of success on the merits without a full hearing. The court's power to render a meaningful decision, he added, would be impeded if the law were allowed to take effect first. From the bench, he called it probably the most serious case he had ever considered as a judge.
Then he held the hearing. Eleven days later, on May 15, he dissolved his own order, denied the injunction, and dismissed the case, writing that the plaintiffs had not shown the appointment of judges violated the Mississippi Constitution. Jackson residents who had cheered the restraining order were stunned. The plaintiffs appealed, and in September the Mississippi Supreme Court reversed him on the central question, striking down the four appointed circuit judgeships as unconstitutional while leaving the rest of the law standing.
It is possible to read that sequence as a judge who got it wrong, and the state's highest court, in part, said so. It is also possible to read it as exactly what a trial judge is for. He stopped the clock before the state could create facts on the ground. He heard the evidence. He ruled by his own reading of the constitution, knowing it would please no one in his home county, and he left the final word to the court above him, which is where the final word belongs. Both sides of the most bitter fight in Jackson's recent history quoted his orders as authority, and that is not a small thing to be able to say about a judge.
He knew, too, when a Hinds County judge should not be the one deciding. When the City Council sued Mayor Chokwe Antar Lumumba in 2022 over the garbage contract, the case landed with Thomas first. He recused himself, along with the county's other chancellors, on the ground that they could not rule impartially in a war between the city's two elected branches, and the Supreme Court appointed a special judge from outside. Last year, in a case that ran against the instincts of every newsroom in the state, including this one, he upheld the Ethics Commission's finding that the Legislature is not bound by the open meetings law and may meet behind closed doors. You could disagree with him. You could not predict him from the politics of the parties in front of him, which is the highest compliment the law has.
Under state law, the governor will appoint a successor to serve until a special election can be held, and Thomas's docket, the divorces in progress, the estates half-settled, the families waiting on a hearing date, will be divided among the remaining Hinds County chancellors in the meantime. Funeral arrangements had not been announced as of Wednesday. This story will be updated when they are.
A chancellor does not leave behind a building or a bill with his name on it. He leaves the record: twenty years of decisions in the hardest matters a county produces, an evening in 2023 when the polls stayed open, eleven days that spring when the question of whether Jackson gets to elect its judges rested in a courtroom in the Hinds County Chancery building, and a 2004 defeat that would have embittered a smaller man and instead seems to have taught this one what it costs when a count goes wrong. He was the judge Hinds County had on the night it needed one. That is the epitaph.
Sources: Hinds County Board of Supervisors; WLBT; Mississippi Today; Mississippi Free Press; Magnolia Tribune; Mississippi Public Broadcasting; the Jackson Free Press archive on the 2004 Senate election contest; Mississippi Senate Resolution 3 (2004); Saunders v. Mississippi, Mississippi Supreme Court (2023); Ballotpedia; and prior Wire reporting. Family and service details will be added as they are released.